Michael N. Dobkowski and Isidor Wallimann
The social system of Weimar Germany has always been controversial. From the start 1Weimar society was characterized by a peculiar fluidity: between 1913 and 1933, the German Reich, commonly referred to as the Weimar Republic, was a virtual laboratory of sociocultural experimentation. In the streets of German towns and cities, political armies competed for followers--a process punctuated by assassinations and advertised by street battles embroiling monarchists, imperial militarists, nihilistic war veterans, Communists, Socialists, anarchists, and National Socialists. Parliamentary activity involved about twenty-five political parties whose shifting alliances produced twenty governmental cabinets with an average lifespan of less than nine months.
Estrangement: Marx's conception of human nature and the division of labor, examines the idea of estrangement in philosophy and the social sciences through an analysis of Marx's works. This book elucidates a functional meaning for the term estrangement and explores Marx's views on the division of labor and human nature.
Robert G. Gregory, Robert M. Maxon, and Leon P. Spencer
The Guide is a compilation of 6 sections accessing approximately 157 microfilm reels of documents within the collection of the Kenya National Archives.
Tins first detailed biography of Morris traces the great liberal's Me, views, and political develop ment to his entrance into the U.S. Senate in 1913. In examining the metamorphosis of a rising young lawyer with mortgage interests into a leader of the Progressive movement, the book gives a thorough account of the political growth and maturing of a man who became one of the foremost legislators in American history.
Karl M. Schmidt
THE TWO-PARTY system has been a feature of the American political scene for all except a few brief periods in our history. Yet, during most of the last 130 years, the traditional two major parties have had in virtually every election at least one minor-party competitor. Despite this persistence, there has been a continuing pattern of failure. Never has an American third party been successful in displacing a major competitor. (Both the Whigs and the Republicans grew and came to power in two of those rare periods when a single major party was dominant.) The presidential campaign of 1948 was not exceptional in that it witnessed new minor-party challenges to Democratic and Republican supremacy. One of these movements took shape as Henry A. Wallace's Progressive Party. The present study attempts to examine the background, the leaders, the organization, the campaign, and finally the disintegration of this third party. It attempts to present a history of the Wallace Progressive Party a political history based to the greatest possible extent upon the firsthand accounts of those who participated in a movement sufficiently distinctive to merit the title of "crusade" a quixotic crusade.
Carol A. Fisher and Fred Krinsky
This book had its inception in a common teaching experience. Although it is now almost two years since we were first involved in the preparation of materials on the Middle East for a course in the problems of American democracy, world events continue to remind us of the critical importance of the Mediterranean area. Our students were aware of an increasing variety of proposals for the role the United States should play in easing the tensions in the Middle East, but they were relatively unfamiliar with the general history and geography of the area. Thus they were unable to evaluate these various proposals critically. As a result of this experience it was felt that there was a general need for a selection of materials designed to guide the citizen in formulating his own view of United States policy in this troubled zone. We then undertook a dual task: (1) the preparation of a descriptive essay which would meet the need of student and lay reader alike as a guide to the basic historical and geographical data of the Middle East; and (2) the provision of a source book of historical and recent documents which would constitute a framework for developing and testing foreign policy proposals.
This book was written neither in admiration of a hero nor in condemnation of a bandit. I had neither object in view. Moreover, to my mind, the line of demarcation between the bandit and the hero is at times faint. No, in the following pages I have attempted merely to set down an accurate record of certain episodes in my life selected from the storehouse of memory as of certain interest to the public at large and in connection with current events in the Far East. More important than this, I feel it my duty, not only towards my own people but to humanity as a whole, to record a number of facts which may well be distorted to a greater or lesser extent in official histories for I have already seen the germs of inaccuracy appearing in print.
Julian L. Ross
The most important questions of our time are philosophical. All about us we see the clash of ideas and ideologies. Yet the formal study of philosophy has been losing rather than gaining ground. There is increasing interest in the issues, but up to the present there has been no corresponding increase in their systematic study. In many American colleges the work in philosophy attracts fewer and fewer students. Because philosophy is in the doldrums, I have wondered for some time what should be done to breathe into it fresh life. One idea that appeals strongly to me is to invite brilliant teachers in other fields to become students of philosophy and thus encourage a marriage of economics and philosophy, political science and philosophy, art and philosophy, and last but not least, literature and philosophy. This book is a kind of Exhibit A of this approach to the problem.
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